German Clandestine Activities in South America in World War II
Declassified and approved for release by NSA, on 04-13-2009 pursuant to
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DECLASSIFIED
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UNITED STATES CRYPTOLOGIC HISTORY
SERIES IV
World War II
Volume 3
German Clandestine Activities
in South America in World War II
David P. Mowry
This document is classified TOP SECRET UMBRA in its entirety and can not be used as a source for derivative
classification decisions.
OFFICE OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY/CENTRAL SECURITY
SERVICE
1989
Table of Contents
Page
Foreword
v
Chapter I. The German Intelligence Services Perspective
1 The Abwehr
1 The Reich Security Administration
3 Chapter II. Axis Agent Operations in Latin America SARGO
7 The Brazilian Nets
8 Regrouping
8 The Chilean Nets
9 Operation JOLLE
9 MERCATORI and MERCATORII
10 The Planning for Operation JOLLE
11 The End of Operation JOLLE
13 The Benefits Derived
13 Chapter III. Allied Organizations Concerned with the Intelligence Problem U.S. Navy
(1917-1941)
15 The U.S. Coast Guard (1931-1941)
17 The Federal Communications Commission (1911-1941)
19 The British Effort: GC&CS and the RSS (1919-1941)
20 The Reorganization of the U.S. Sigint Effort (1939-1942)
23 Initial Operations
25 Security Problems
26 The FBI Connection
29 The Army Connection
31 The Radio Intelligence Center
32
Chapter IV. Counterclandestine DF Operations in Latin America Introduction
35 The U.S. Navy in Colombia and Ecuador (1940-1941) 35 Other Latin American Nations before the War
43 Establishment of the AIS Clandestine Radio Locator Net
44 Creation of the Concept: December 1941-January 1943
44 Implementation of the Concept: January 1943 to the War's End
50 Cuba - Graft and Corruption
50 Chile-Nazis and Mountains
50
iii
Argentina-More Nazis
51 Ecuador - Mañana Land
53 Colombia-Everything in Place
54 Brazil-Full Cooperation
55 The AIS Takes Over
56 Disposition of the AIS Net
57 Conclusion
57 Glossary
59 Notes
61
iv
Foreword
This is the first of a two-part history of German clandestine activities in South America in World War II. In
this first volume, the author, Mr. David Mowry, identifies and presents a thorough account of German intelligence
organizations engaged in clandestine work in South America and a well-researched, detailed report of the U.S.
response to the perceived threat. This perception was, as Mr. Mowry alludes to in his conclusions, far greater
than any actual danger. Mr. Mowry's conclusions, in general, are somewhat understated. It seems fairly clear from
the evidence that the Germans never expected a great deal from their agents in South America or even in the United
States in World War II. The lack of German espionage activity in these areas in WW II stands in stark contrast to
the bombings and other activities which occurred during WWI. Perhaps these WWI experiences influenced U.S. policy
makers to the extent that they overestimated the danger in WWII. In fact, it might be suggested that South America
and the United States were not the major thrusts of German clandestine activity in WWII, but that Europe, England,
North Africa, and the Middle East offered far more potential for beneficial results. An examination of clandestine
activities in these areas might produce different conclusions. One might also comment on the extraordinary
activity that took place between and among U.S. intelligence organizations in the face of so small and
unsuccessful a German effort. In addition to concluding that it had little effect on the outcome of the war, one
might also have noted the similarities characterizing the nature of the relationships. Specifically, this includes
the interagency bickering, lack of support, and jurisdictional disputes which characterized the relationships in
the broader Comint field during and after the war. Part two of this history deals with the cryptographic systems
used by the various German intelligence organizations engaged in clandestine activities. It is a much more
technically oriented work than this volume and an excellent companion piece.
Henry F. Schorreck
NSA Historian
v
Chapter I
The German Intelligence Services
Perspective The fall of the Batista government in Cuba in 1959 and the subsequent rise
of Castro's Cuba as a Soviet ally in the Western Hemisphere marked the beginning of Russian success in obtaining a
foothold in an area that had been the exclusive sphere of influence of the United States. The concept of
carving out a piece of the Western Hemisphere did not originate with the Soviet Union. Since 1823, the year the
Monroe Doctrine was enunciated, most of the major European powers tried at one time or another to subvert it.
Germany tried twice. The first time, in 1917, Germany planned to attack the United States through Mexico. This
plan was foiled by Britain when it provided the United States with a decrypted copy of the famous Zimmerman
Telegram. Germany's second attempt was more complex, but in the end, just as unsuceessfu1.1 By
1939, large groups of German nationals had settled in the various countries of Latin America, particularly
Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. Germany maintained close contact with these expatriates through commerce, German
diplomatic representatives, and pro-Nazi social organizations. German commercial interests in Latin America
depended to a large extent on trade with Germany and various business organizations were brought into the National
Socialist fold by appeals to patriotism and by threats of interruption of trade. This large pro-German, if not
necessarily pro-Nazi, expatriate community provided a fertile ground for the planting of espionage organizations
by the German intelligence services - the Abwehr, and later on, the Reich Security Administration. These two
organizations, separately and in combination, were responsible for Germany's espionage operations before and
during World War II. Latin America was probably their major theater of operations, but similar espionage
organizations were established all over the world - organizations that would be the objects of considerable
scrutiny by Allied intelligence and counterintelligence agencies.2
The Abwehr After the demobilization of the German Army at the end of World War I, the
Intelligence Office of the General Staff, or IIIb, became an intelligence group attached to the Foreign Armies
Branch of the General Staff. Later, with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, the General Staff itself became
the Troops Department and the Foreign Armies Branch became the Third Branch, or T3, of the Troops Department. The
Intelligence Group became the Abwehr Group of T3. The name "Abwehr" (literally, "defense") was the covername given
to the counterintelligence group in order to disguise its espionage funetions.3 On 1 April
1928, the Abwehr Group and the German Navy's espionage unit were combined as the Abwehr Branch, directly
subordinate to the Ministry of Defense. In March 1929, this branch was combined with several other offices into a
Minister's Department which later became the High Command of the Armed Forces (OKW). Thus the Abwehr became the
military espionage agency it was to be in World War II.4
1
After the Nazi Party came to power there was considerable friction between the Abwehr and the agencies of the
Party, in particular the Security Service (SD). On 1 January 1935, German Navy Captain Wilhelm Franz Canaris
became the head of the Abwehr and instituted a policy of cooperation which was reciprocated by Reinhardt Heydrich,
the head of the SD. This resulted, in December 1936, in an official agreement on division of effort known as the
"Ten Commandments," signed by both Canaris and Heydrich, which defined espionage abroad as an Abwehr
responsibility.5
PICTURE HERE Admiral Wilhelm Franz Canaris commanded the
Abwehr from 1935 until 1944, when its espionage functions were transferred to the Reich Security
Administration.
When Canaris assumed command, the Abwehr consisted of six groups: (I) Army Espionage; (II) the Cipher Center;
(III) Counterespionage; (IV) Sabotage and Uprisings; (V) Naval Espionage, with liaison with the Navy's intercept
service; and (VI) Air Force Espionage. Canaris made the Abwehr an agency concerned purely with espionage by
removing the Cipher Center from its jurisdiction. In the years 1936-38, the service espionage groups were combined
as Abwehr I, Military Espionage; Sabotage and Uprisings became Abwehr II; and Counterespionage became Abwehr III.
The Naval Intercept Service was added to the Foreign Branch of OKW, which was transferred to the Abwehr, retaining
its branch title. In addition, the Abwehr itself was raised to the level of a division of OKW.6
Abwehr I, the largest of the branches, consisted of nine groups: Army East; Army West; Army Technical; Marine; Air
Force; Technical/Air Force; Economic; Secret (document forgery and espionage paraphernalia); and Communications.
Abwehr headquarters in Berlin delegated its functions extensively to AAA posts in other cities, and as it took up
any job or entered a new geographical area, it expanded by creating new geographical subdivisions. Principal posts
of the Abwehr in important cities were called Abwehr Posts (Ast). In the Reich there was one Ast to each Military
District headquarters.
Known Asts in the Reich, designated by Roman numerals, were:
I
Koenigsberg X
Hamburg II Stettin
XI
Hanover III Berlin
XII
Wiesbaden IV Dresden
XIII
Nuremberg
V Stuttgart
XIV TO XVI (probably did not exist) VI
Muenster XVII
Vienna VII Munich
XVIII
Salzburg
VIII Breslau
XIX
(probably did not exist) IX Kassel
XX
Danzig XXI Posen
2
Underneath and reporting to the Asts were Branch Posts (abbreviated Nest or Anst) which were located in the
less important cities. Subordinate to the Nests were the Message Centers (abbreviated MK), established in small
particular Asts inside the Reich. They were given the task of controlling certain enterprises outside the Reich.
Thus, the Hamburg Ast was concerned chiefly with naval activity against England and America and was active in
South America, in the Iberian Peninsula, and in Greece. Muenster dealt with roads and communications in enemy
territory; Dresden specialized in targets for aerial bombing. Stettin handled naval activity against Russia in the
Baltic and also Group I left in Norway. Breslau handled action in Czechoslovakia, Wiesbaden in France and Belgium,
and Vienna in the Balkans and the Near East. An Ast was designated an Abwehr Control Post (Alst) to take over
control of Abwehr operations for specific purposes, as was Wiesbaden in 1940 for the invasion of France.
There were also Abwehr units called Combat Organizations (KO) which were similar to Asts but operated in neutral
and unfriendly countries, including Sweden, Finland, Switzerland, Bulgaria, Turkey, Spain, Portugal, and briefly,
North Africa. Personnel of the KO used embassies and legations as cover. The first of these were established in
Madrid and Shanghai in 1937 and in the Netherlands in 1938. The KOs were attached to the German embassies and ran
agent nets in the respective countries. By May 1942, there were KOs in Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, Sweden,
Finland, Bulgaria, Spanish Morocco (Casablanca), Yugoslavia (Zagreb), China (Shanghai), and Turkey.7
The Reich Security Administration
The Security Service was originally a part of the organization called the General Protection Squad (the
infamous Blackshirts or SS). Its mission was to gather intelligence about people hostile to Hitler and the Nazi
Party. It was the intelligence organ of the Nazi Party. In June 1936 Himmler was made Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief
of the German Police. One of his first acts was the appointment of the first important figure in the history of
the Reich Security Administration (RSHA), Reinhard Heydrich, the first chief of the Sicherheitspolizei or Security
Police (SiPo) and the SD. Heydrich and Himmler were responsible for combining the security services of the SS and
the State Police into the RSHA in 1939. As the head of the RSHA, Heydrich concentrated almost entirely on
eliminating opposition to the Third Reich. Since the "Ten Commandments" defined espionage abroad as largely the
function of the Abwehr, Department VI (Foreign Intelligence) of the RSHA was an insignificant unit before 1942.
Although Himmler had given orders that he must have a foreign intelligence service of his own, the RSHA did not
have the right kind of personnel for this work; very few of its officers had any knowledge of foreign countries or
languages.8 The character of the RSHA changed after the assassination of Heydrich in 1942 with
the rise to power of two new figures, Ernst Kaltenbrunner and Walter Schellenberg. Kaltenbrunner succeeded
Heydrich as head of the RSHA and Schellenberg became the chief of Department VI in the same year. Continual
competition between Department VI and the Abwehr eroded the latter's authority until Schellenberg took over its
espionage and sabotage sections in May 1944. At that time, Canaris was demoted to head of a special staff for
economic warfare. He was arrested on 23 July 1944 for complicity in the bomb attempt on Hitler and was executed on
8 April 1945.9
3
PICTURE HERE The headquarters of the
Reich Security Administration's Coreign intelligence operations (Department VI), Berlin.
4
PICTURE HERE Reinhard Heydrich headed
the Reich Security Administration Crom its creation in 1939 until his assassination in 1942.
PICTURE HERE Walter Schellenberg,
chief of the Reich Security Administration's Department VI; assumed control of the Abwehr's espionage and sabotage
sections in May 1944.
5
After taking over the Abwehr, the RSHA was divided into eight departments, only two of which, Department VI
(Foreign Intelligence) and Military Intelligence, ran espionage agents in the field. Military Intelligence assumed
responsibility for espionage in the front line combat areas, formerly the responsibility of Abwehr I, while
Department VI absorbed the Asts' responsibilities for espionage in foreign countries. The following was the
organization of Department VI as late as January 1945: Department
Function Amt VIA
Organization Amt VIB
West Europe (neutral, allied, and occupied countries) Amt VIC
Russia, Near East, Far East (including Japan) Amt VID
Western Hemisphere, Great Britain, Scandinavia Amt VIE
Southeast Europe (including allied and occupied areas) Amt VIF
Technical Support Amt VIG
Scientific-Methodic Research Service Amt VI Wi/T
Economics and Technology Amt VIS
Sabotage Amt VI Kult
Nonscientific Domestic Acquisition Service Amt VIZ
Military Counterespionage and Personnel Checks Abwehr
Civilian Counterespionage and Personnel Checks10
This was the opposition. Its story and the
story of the Allied organizations involved in counterespionage Sigint in World War II follows.
6
Chapter II Axis Agent Operations in Latin America
In his report on his trip to England in 1943, Colonel Alfred McCormack stated that the Coast Guard had
abdicated to the British Government Code & Cipher School (GC&CS) its responsibility for all clandestine
communications other than those concerning the Western Hemisphere. While McCormack was certainly overstating the
case, with equal certainty the Coast Guard's primary interest was in agent communications between Germany and
Latin America. These communications were primarily the responsibility of Operation BOLIVAR,11 the code name for an
espionage project carried out by Department VI D 4 of the SD. It was active in Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina,
with ramifications reaching into the official circles of those countries.12 SARGO
Johannes Siegfried Becker (SARGO) was the main figure in the project and the person responsible for most of
the organizing of espionage operations in South America. Becker was first sent to Buenos Aires by the SD in May
1940. His original mission, and that of Heinz Lange (JANSEN) who followed him shortly after, was sabotage. In
August, because of protests by the German embassy, this was revised to one of espionage only. Becker and Lange
were soon identified by the authorities as agents, and in September 1940, moved to Brazil where Becker made
contact with Gustav Albrecht Engels.
PICTURE HERE
Johannes Siegfried Becker, codenamed SARGO, organized Nazi Espionage operations in South America.
Gustav Albrecht Engels (ALFREDO) had originally been recruited by Jobst Raven of Abwehr I W in 1939 to provide
economic intelligence on the Western Hemisphere to the Abwehr. He had established an economic espionage
organization, reporting to Germany via the radio transmitter owned by his company, the Allgemeine Elektrizitaets
Gesellschaft (General Electric Company), headquartered in Krefeld. Becker transformed Engels's organization into
an espionage organization reporting on all subjects of interest to German intelligence. By mid-1941, Engels's
radio station, CEL, which was located in Sao Paulo, Brazil, was functioning smoothly with agents both in Brazil
and the United States. It provided information on shipping, economic and industrial affairs, war production and
military movements in the United States, and political and military developments in Brazil. One of the agents in
the United States who frequently came to Brazil to talk to Engels was Dusko
7
Popov (IVAN), known to the British as TRICYCLE - one of the most successful double agents of World War II.13
Operation BOLIVAR agents included the naval and air attache in Chile, Ludwig von Bohlen (BACH); the naval attache
in Rio de Janeiro, Hermann Bohny (UNCLE ERNEST); the military attaché in Buenos Aires and Rio de Janeiro, General
Niedefuhr; and the naval attaché in Buenos Aires, Captain Dietrich Niebuhr (DIEGO), who headed the espionage
organization in Argentina. In mid-1941, Herbert von Heyer (HUMBERTO) joined the organization, providing maritime
intelligence.14
The Brazilian Nets Engels's organization was not the only one operating in Brazil. Three
other clandestine radio stations, each serving a different spy net, had started operating in 1941. Radio station
LIR, in Rio de Janeiro, had started communications with MAX, in Germany in May. The LIRMAX group operated in
Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Ecuador and was centered around a commercial information service, the Informadora
Rapida Limitada (RITA), run by Heribert O. J. Muller (PRINZ). The radio station was run by Friedrich Kempter
(KOENIG). Von Heyer, HUMBERTO in the CELALD organization, was VESTA in the LIRMAX group. There were other overlaps
in personnel, with the two groups cooperating extensively. Von Heyer was an employee of the Theodor Wille Company,
several of whose employees were involved in another net centered around station CIT in Recife, Brazil. The CIT net
began operation in June 1941 and was entirely located in Brazil. A third group, consisting of only two agents,
Fritz Noak and Herbert Winterstein, was located between Santos and Rio de Janeiro and communicated with LFS in
Germany from September 1941 to January 1942. It was not connected with the CELALD-LIRMAX-CIT group.15
Regrouping
At the end of November 1941, Becker had returned to Germany for a conference with his superiors and was thus out
of harm's way when Brazilian police rounded up enemy agents on 18 March 1942. During this conference it was
decided that Becker would be in charge of South American operations (all of which were to be connected by radio)
with Buenos Aires acting as the control station for the net and reporting directly to Berlin. Lange was to
organize an espionage net in Chile, and Johnny Hartmuth (GUAPO), a Department VI D 2 agent who had elected to
remain in South America, would organize a net in Paraguay. An agent named Franczok (LUNA) would control the radio
network which was to be established. Lange, Hartmuth, and Franczok were all in Paraguay, having fled from Brazil
in March.16 In February 1943, after considerable difficulty, Becker managed to return to Buenos
Aires as a stowaway on a ship traveling from Spain to Argentina. Lange, Hartmuth, and Franczok had managed to
airmail one transmitter to Paraguay before they left Brazil, and setting up a temporary headquarters near
Asuncion, had reestablished contact with Berlin. Upon Becker's orders, this station was transferred to Buenos
Aires in May, leaving Hartmuth in Paraguay. Lange proceeded to Chile.
Once the transfer to Buenos Aires had taken place, Becker and Franczok immediately began establishing the planned
radio network. Becker wanted to establish a transmitter in every South American republic, but was successful only
in Paraguay, Chile, and Argentina, where he was at this time establishing an espionage organization.17
8
The Chilean Nets When Lange went to Chile, there was already an agent organization and
radio station in operation and Lange fitted himself into it as an independent operator with his own sources. The
station, using callsign PYL to communicate with REW in Germany, had been established in April or May 1941,
apparently by Ludwig von Bohlen and Friedrich von Schulz Hausman (CASERO). By February 1942, reports were being
passed from agents in Chile, Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, and the United States. The major figures
in the organization were von Bohlen in Santiago; Bruno Dittman (DINTERIN), the actual head of the net, in
Valparaiso; Friedrich von Schulz Hausman, who had relocated to Buenos Aires; and George Nicolaus (MAX) in Mexico.18
The PYLREW net's tie with Project BOLIVAR was revealed through intercept, particularly in July 1941, when von
Bohlen was instructed by radio to contact von Heyer in Rio de Janeiro to obtain a supply of secret inks and
developers which von Bohlen had ordered from Germany. The PYLREW organization was centered around the
Compania Transportes Maritimos (COTRAS), formerly a branch of Norddeutscher Lloyd. Von Schulz Hausman had been the
manager of the Norddeutscher Lloyd Shipping Agency in Chile before moving to Argentina, and had been succeeded in
that job by Dittman. Other PYLREW personnel who had been associated with Norddeutscher Lloyd were Hans Blume
(FLOR), a radio technician at PYL, and Heinrich Reiners (TOM), who had worked for Norddeutscher Lloyd in Panama
before opening a maritime freight office in Valparaiso. Reiners's sister was married to Blume, and Reiners's wife
was the drop for the agents of the net.19 Operation JOLLE The first
traffic passed from Buenos Aires concerned finances, the organization of the South American net, Argentine
politics, and the establishment of a courier system between Argentina and Spain using crewmen aboard Spanish
merchant vessels. Once the network got into full operation, traffic volume increased to as much as 15 messages a
day. In January 1944, the Argentine government arrested a number of German and Spanish espionage agents and Becker
and Franczok were forced into hiding. Communications were interrupted for about a month and never again resumed
the former level. When communications were reestablished, Becker asked Berlin for radio equipment, money, and
secret ink materials. This request resulted in Operation JOLLE.20
It had become increasingly difficult to keep the agent organizations in South America supplied with funds and
cryptomaterial. As with Comintern agents between the wars, a primary method of financing agent operations was
through the smuggling of precious gems which could then be sold to obtain operating funds. To this the Germans
added the smuggling of expensive pharmaceuticals which could readily be sold on the black market. The gems and the
pharmaceuticals could be transmitted via couriers ("wolves") who travelled as crewmen aboard Spanish ships. This
was not, however, a satisfactory method for transporting crypto-equipment and keying materials, for moving agents
in and out of target countries, or for shipping bulky reports back to Germany. Up to that time, the normal method
used by Department VI to introduce agents into neutral or hostile countries had been to land them from submarines.
This had not been particularly successful, and with increasing Allied dominance of the sea was becoming an even
more problematical method of transport. Likewise, the courier system was in danger because of Spanish awareness
that Germany was losing the war. It was as a result of
9
these circumstances and of the difficulty of evading Allied patrols in the Atlantic that operations such as
MERCATOR and JOLLE were conceived.21 Kurt Gross, the Chief of Department VI D4, had been
looking for other methods and Becker's request gave him an opening. He decided to send not only supplies and
money, but also personnel. Two men were to be sent to Argentina initially. Hansen (COBIJA) was a trained radio
operator who spoke fluent Spanish, having lived in South America for 20 years. Schroell (VALIENTE), a native of
Luxembourg, was a sailor by profession and spoke English; he also had had some radio experience. The mission, as
planned, involved the two agents being transported to Argentina, where they would eventually separate from
Becker and make their way northward. Ultimately, Hansen was supposed to settle in Mexico and Schroell in the
United States, obtaining a position in a war plant there. Hansen was instructed to set up a radio transmitter in
Mexico and send in reports of information both he and Schroell had obtained concerning the United States. The
two were to maintain a channel of communication. Further, they were to recruit new agents and establish an
espionage net covering Central America and the United States. In preparation for their mission, Hansen
and Schroell were given a course of training which included the use of secret inks, ciphers, and the microdot
camera. They were also given suicide pills, two each, for use in an emergency. False identification papers were
provided by Department VI F. They were given no persons to contact other than Becker, either in North or South
America, since Department VI D had no one there who could assist the project. They were also not given any cover
addresses for use in establishing communications with Germany, as it was assumed that they would be successful
in their radio endeavors. As a supplementary method of transmitting information, they were instructed to develop
a courier system which could be coordinated with the organization in Spain run by Karl Arnold (THEO or ARNOLD).
In using couriers, it was planned that they would use both secret writing and microdots. Although Gross
had given them the broad goals of their mission, he emphasized that they would be expected to use their own
initiative to a great extent and capitalize on any opportunity which presented itself to make the project more
effective. How they were to proceed from Argentina, up through South America to Mexico and the United States,
would be up to them. It was expected, however, that Becker would be able to help them in getting started.22
Allied intelligence, reading the exchanges between Berlin and Buenos Aires, was convinced that a submarine
was to be used for the transfer, and the German term "Jolle" (English "yawl") was simply a cover term. It
appeared from his messages that Becker thought the same, but on 30 March 1944, Berlin told Argentina that the
vessel to be used was "not a yawl, but a cutter," and that planning was continuing. This was the first specific
indication that a submarine was not to be involved.23 MERCATOR I and MERCATOR II
In fact, the Abwehr had used a small sailing boat in August 1942 to land agents in Southwest Africa, and again,
in May-June 1943, to land agents in Brazil. The vessel used was a 36-ton ketch named Passim. On her first
voyage, codenamed MERCATOR I, Passim had sailed from Brest to Southwest Africa carrying three agents. Two of
them had been landed north of Hollams Bird Island, and the third near Sao Paulo de Loanda. She then returned to
Bayonne after 142 days at sea and was sent on to Arcachon for repairs.24
On her second voyage, codenamed MERCATOR II, Passim sailed from Arcachon on 9 June 1943 and delivered two
agents, Wilhelm Koepff (HEDWIG) and William Baarn, to
10
Brazil. Wilhelm Heinrich Koepff was a German small-businessman who had settled in Peru after World War I, in
which he had served in the infantry. He was an ardent Nazi, and his reputation as a Nazi activist resulted in his
firm being blacklisted by the British and the Americans in 1941. This had a disastrous effect on his finances, and
he took to drink. When the countries of the Western Hemisphere broke off relations with Germany in 1942, he
arranged to have himself repatriated, and in Germany, volunteered for service in the Abwehr as an espionage agent.
After intensive training he reported aboard Passim on 15 May 1943 to meet his partner, William Marcus Baarn. Baarn
was a black from Dutch Guiana with a reputation as a trouble maker. During the thirties he had worked as a
merchant seaman in American waters and then went to Amsterdam as a stowaway on a Dutch ship. He had worked at
various jobs in Holland and for some reason had made no attempt to get out when Germany invaded the Low Countries.
He was recruited by the Abwehr, whom he was in no position to refuse, and trained in radio operation and
cryptography for four months.25
Passim sailed from Arcachon on 23 May 1943. The two agents were put ashore on Gargahu Beach, near Sao Joao da
Barra, Brazil, on the night of 9/10 August 1943. Despite the high hopes of the Abwehr, both men surrendered to
Brazilian police within 24 hours. The Brazilian authorities "turned" Koepff and used him as a controlled agent
until March 1944. He and Baarn were tried in March 1945 and sentenced to 25 years in prison.28
The Planning for Operation JOLLE Gross had determined that Passim was still in Arcachon
and that naval captain Heinz Garbers, who had commanded her on her first two voyages, was available. Garbers was a
well-known sportsman who had crossed the Atlantic in a sailboat in 1938. The justification for using a vessel such
as Passim was that although slower than submarines or merchant vessels, a regular route could be established and
such a boat could easily be mistaken for a Portuguese, Spanish, or South American fishing lugger, and thus be
ignored by Allied patrol vessels. Arrangements were made and Hansen and Schroell sailed aboard Passim on 27 April
1944 with quite a large cargo, the bulk of which consisted of items sent for resale. Siemens, Telefunken, Merck
Chemical, and a pharmaceutical company (probably Bayer) had sent orders through Franczok for radio and other
electrical equipment, as well as for chemical and medical supplies. In this way, these companies would be aided
and the money received from them would contribute considerably to the finances of the spy ring. The latter purpose
was also served by the shipment of a stock of needles used in the weaving or mending of silk stockings to be
resold by the agency. Berlin also sent along plans for a device to make wood gas generators. An attempt was to be
made to sell a license for the manufacture of these generators. In all, they took some 50 tons of material
with them, including complete radio sets, parts for use by Becker and for the new project, a microdot camera, and
a supply of diamonds which had been obtained in Holland. Hansen and Schroell also took with them foreign currency
in the form of Argentine pesos, British pounds, and American dollars which totaled some $100,000 in value. This
money was to be shared with Becker. It was meant that Hansen and Schroell would remain in the Western Hemisphere
indefinitely, and the money given to them was to last over a two-year period.27
11
PICTURE HERE Microdots taped inside
the label of an envelope sent by German agents in Mexico to Lisbon.
At this point, the plans for the landing in Argentina were extremely confused. The original plans had been
cancelled, and Becker did not understand what Berlin wanted. Finally, three possible landing points had been
picked: Necochea, Miramar, and Mar del Plata. Berlin considered Necochea to be the preferable one, particularly
since Becker had reported that both sea and coast were unacceptable at Miramar. Becker was insisting on four weeks
advance notice of the landing; three days forewarning from Passim; a communications plan for contacting Passim;
and instructions on loading and unloading.28
The communications plan was sent on 6 June. Becker complained on 9 June about the short notice and about the lack
of internal serialization on Berlin's messages, which sometimes made it difficult to understand references. As a
consequence of the latter, apparently, several of Berlin's messages went unanswered, and Becker was instructed to
contact Passim on his own and set up a communications plan.29 At this point, it would seem that
Franczok (who was in charge of communications at the Argentine end) complained about the preparations, or lack
thereof, because Berlin responded: SAVE YOUR CRITICISM FOR YOURSELVES WHEN YOU DO NOT KNOW FULL DETAILS;
IT ONLY INDICATES THAT THROUGH YOUR CLEVER CONDUCT THE ORGINALLY CONTEMPLATED LANDING HAS ALREADY BEEN DISCOVERED.
JOLLE HAS RECEIVED YOUR INSTRUCTIONS ON MIRAMAR PREPARATIONS AND WILL, IF POSSIBLE, CARRY THEM OUT. [THE] MATTER
WILL BE SETTLED BY RED [BERLIN] CENTER.30
12
Franczok sent communications and landing instructions to Passim on 21 June, setting Mogotes as the place and
0200 as the time of day for the landing. Garbers preferred Punta Indio, but Becker would not accept the
suggestion, insisting on Mogotes. After some further delays, the operation was finally carried out on the night of
30 June/1 July, and Passim set sail for Europe, taking Philip Imhoff (BIENE), Heinz Lange, and Juergen Sievers
(SANTOS) as passengers.31
Shortly after Hansen and Schroell arrived in Argentina, most of the members of Operation BOLIVAR were arrested,
breaking up the ring once and for all, and effective espionage activity by Department VI D4 in the Western
Hemisphere was ended.32
The End of Operation JOLLE Garbers had intended to put into port at Bordeaux upon
Passim's return to France, but the Normandy invasion had made that inadvisable. Lange wanted the boat to return to
South America and succeeded in convincing some of the crew to agree with him, but Garbers threatened to have him
prosecuted for incitement to mutiny and treason. Berlin ordered Passim to Vigo, Spain, where she docked the night
of 17 September, posing as the French ship St. Barbara, a name she had carried on her voyage to Brazil in 1943.
Garbers, accompanied by Lange, went ashore the next day to visit the German Consulate. Garbers returned later,
alone and wearing civilian clothes. He had found that Karl Arnold had been advised of their coming and had made
some preparations to care for them. For the next three or four days all the men remained aboard Passim with a
Spanish police boat alongside. They were then issued passes giving them freedom of movement in Vigo. They were
allowed to move to the Hotel Central, but both Captain and crew had to report every morning aboard the Spanish
cruiser Navarra which was lying in the harbor. When the cruiser sailed, they then reported to the Spanish police
each morning. After a month under loose arrest, the men were released by the Spanish and traveled to
Madrid, leaving Passim lying at Vigo under Spanish guard. In Madrid they stayed at the German-owned Hotel Aragon
for four to six days. From Madrid, Garbers went on to Barcelona, followed by the others, who arrived on 7-8
November. They then left Barcelona by air in groups of two or three. It took ten days for the entire party to
reach Berlin. Garbers did attempt to have Lange prosecuted, but Gross arranged for the charges to be dropped.33
The Benefits Derived Commander L.T. Jones, the head of the Coast Guard cryptologic
operation, wrote an evaluation of the Allied Sigint effort against BOLIVAR in 1944. He pointed out that basically,
the type of information transmitted by an enemy agent depends largely on what happens to be available where he is
located. BOLIVAR agents were able to provide reports on the movements of merchant shipping and on local political
developments. The traffic was probably more useful to the Allies than it was to the Germans, because it did reveal
the identities of collaborators in the South American countries, including a former Argentine Minister of Marine
and the head of the Paraguayan Air Force. The Allies also were able to obtain from clandestine traffic the details
of planning for the 20 December 1943 revolution in Bolivia and another in Chile which was nipped in the bud. Both
of these were backed by Germans working through the Argentine Government.
In addition, the intercept of clandestine traffic allowed the Allies to maintain continuity on the agents
operating in the Western Hemisphere. This information led to a
13
number of arrests, the most celebrated at the time being that of Osmar Alberto Hellmuth on 4 November 1943.34
An Argentine naval officer, Hellmuth, unbeknownst to Argentina, was a German collaborator. His control, Hans
Harnisch (BOSS), claimed to be the personal representative of Heinrich Himmler and had extensive contacts in the
highest reaches of the Argentine government. As a result of negotiations between Harnisch and various Argentine
officials, including President Ramirez and various cabinet ministers, Hellmuth was appointed Argentine consul in
Barcelona. This appointment served to cover his actual mission: to proceed to Germany to assure that country that
Argentina had no intention of severing relations with her. He was also to confer with the SD and other German
officials on matters of mutual interest and was to obtain German permission for the return to Argentina from
Sweden of the Argentine tanker, Buenos Aires, carrying a load of German-supplied arms.35 Most
of the details of this planning were known to the Allies through BOLIVAR traffic. As a consequence, when the Cabo
de Hornos, aboard which Hellmuth was traveling to Spain, made a routine stop at Trinidad, British authorities
removed him from the ship and placed him under arrest. Argentina made a formal protest to Britain. When the
ramifications of the affair were learned, however, there was a change in position. The Argentine Minister of
Foreign Affairs instructed his ambassador in London on 17 December to inform Great Britain that Hellmuth's
appointment had been cancelled and that if the British would release Hellmuth, his letters patent would also be
cancelled and the British could then do with him as they saw fit.36
In early 1946, when the State Department was preparing a case against the Peronista government of Argentina
regarding its wartime support of the Axis, it requested permission to use clandestine intercept as part of its
evidence. Although the Navy refused to give blanket approval for such usage, an accomodation was reached and
information from clandestine communications was fused with information from other sources in preparing the
indictment. This was Operation BOLIVAR's final contribution to the Allied war effort.37
14
Chapter III Allied Organizations Concerned with the
Clandestine Problem
U.S. Navy (1917-1941) During World War I, the U.S. Navy had built up an integrated
organization (the Code and Signal Section of the Office of Naval Communications) for the compilation, production,
distribution, and accounting of codes and ciphers. This section, also known as OP-58, was established as a part of
the Division of Operations sometime between 2 January and 1 April 1917. Its first head was Lieutenant Russell
Willson (USN), who was ordered to Washington, D.C., on the former date. The Confidential Publications Section (as
the Code and Signal Section was called before October 1917) had originally been intended to centralize the Navy's
storage, accounting, and distribution of confidential publications, while the Bureau of Navigation (BUNAV) was
responsible for the preparation of codes and ciphers. BUNAV's Signal Office had published the Telegraphic
Dictionaries since at least 1848 and the Navy General Signal Books since the Civil War. By 1894, the dictionaries
and the signal books had been combined, and in 1913 there was a section in the General Signal Book providing
five-letter code groups that were used for secret communications until the Navy "A-Code" was constructed by the
Code and Signal Section.38
By 1 December 1917, the OIC of the Code and Signal Section, Lieutenant Commander Milo F. Draemel, had been made
Assistant to the Director of Naval Communications (DNC) for Codes and Signals. The section had been made a part of
the Naval Communication Service, but since it was not performing a staff function, it was not part of the
Director's Office. The section was redesignated OP-18 on or about January 1920 but remained in the same command
status until July 1922, when it became OP-20-G.39 The Registered Publications Section was
created on 31 March 1923 to standardize and centralize the issuance of and accounting for classified publications.
As originally conceived in May 1921, this section was to be a part of OP-20-G, but there is no record of its
OP-number until 1 July 1926, when it was listed as OP-20-P, with Lieutenant E.K. Jett, later Chief Engineer of the
Federal Communications Commission (FCC), as OIC.40 In January 1924, Lieutenant Laurance F.
Safford was ordered to OP-20-G to take over the newly established Research Desk in that section. "Research Desk"
was the covername for the newly formed communications intelligence activity. This marked the entry of the Navy
into the communications intelligence field, aside from an interim effort begun by the Office of Naval Intelligence
(ONI) in 1917, when a Cipher Room was established to decrypt enemy messages. The Cipher Room was absorbed by the
War Department's Bureau of Military Intelligence in 1918. The initial staff of the Research Desk consisted of
Lieutenant Safford and four civilians, later supplemented by two enlisted radiomen.41 According
to U.S. Navy Captain Joseph N. Wenger, there were two factors that governed the placing of communications
intelligence activities in the Office of Naval Communications (ONC) rather than in ONI. First of all, the Director
of Naval Communications (DNC) showed interest and initiative in getting them placed under his jurisdiction.
Secondly, over a period of time, the cognizant naval authorities recognized that this was the proper location, as
they realized that the highly technical business of
15
intercept and direction finding would be most effectively and economically operated in conjunction with other
technical activities. The collection and production of Sigint involved the same skills, training, equipment, and
techniques as communications, and thus belonged in that branch of the Navy. In addition, from both a security and
a budgetary viewpoint, it made sense to collocate Sigint sites with communications stations. Eventually
OP-20-G would have control over communications intelligence, communications security, and registered publications.
The Registered Publications Section continued to carry the designation OP-20-P, but by 1932 it was included as a
subunit of the Code and Signal Section. Letters were assigned to the subordinate desks by 1926, the year in which
Lieutenant Safford was relieved by Lieutenant Joseph J. Rochefort as head of the Research Desk. In June 1932,
OP-20-G consisted of the OIC and his office staff; OP-20-P, Registered Publications; OP-20-GC, the Codes and
Ciphers Desk; OP-20-GS, the Visual Signals Desk; and OP-20-GX, the Research Desk.42 The
Research Desk was renamed the Research and Radio Intelligence Desk in 1933. In June 1934, these functions were
split between two desks: the Research Desk, OP-20GY, and the Radio Intercept Desk, OP-20-GX; and OP-20-P was
removed from OP-20-G cognizance and supervision. A new section, the Language Section, was created in October 1934,
with the designation OP-20-GZ. On 11 March 1935, OP-20-G was reorganized to consist of the Cryptographic Section
(GC), headed by Lieutenant Chester C. Wood; the Security Section (GS), headed by Lieutenant Lee W. Parke; the
Intercept and Tracking Section (GX), headed by Lieutenant Commander John S. Harper; the Cryptanalytic Section
(GY), headed by Lieutenant Commander Joseph N. Wenger; and the Translation Section (GZ), headed by Lieutenant
Commander Thomas B. Birtley, Jr. In this reorganization, OP-20-G was renamed the Communications Security Group,
with Lieutenant Commander Laurance F. Safford in command after March 1936.43
In the early days the Navy's Sigint activity in Washington was so small that no formal organization other
than that mentioned above was necessary. However, with the beginning of Navy success against the Japanese naval
ciphers in the early 1930s and the production of operational intelligence on Japanese naval maneuvers, it became
obvious that expansion was necessary to exploit the possibilities that had appeared. Even so, in 1936 the total
strength of the Communications Security Group was only 11 officers, 88 enlisted men, and 15 civilians: a total of
147. Lieutenant Joseph N. Wenger's 1937 planning study, "Military Study - Communications Intelligence Research
Activities," was the first serious attempt at defining the course to be pursued. The organization conceptualized
by this paper consisted of a main analysis, administration, and coordinating center in Washington, D.C., with
subordinate area analysis centers, advance' processing units at intercept sites, and mobile units for close
support of major operating commanders. The study also defined the need for fast and secure communications within
the naval organization and for liaison with the Army and the Coast Guard. All of these ideas would eventually be
implemented.44
OP-20-G underwent two more renamings before the beginning of World War II. On 15 March 1939, it became the
Radio Intelligence Section of the Office of Naval Communications, and on 1 October 1939, it became the
Communications Security Section. The Cryptanalytic Section was relieved of its responsibility for training and
research in 1939 and these functions were combined in the Research and Training Section, OP-20-GR. By January
1941, OP-20-G consisted of some 60 persons plus a few small field activities. On 7 December 1941 the strength was
75 officers, 645 enlisted men, and 10 civilians: a total of730. It continued to be headed by Commander Safford,
who,
16
at his own request, was redesignated from "General Line" to "Engineering (i.e., cryptographic) Duty Only" on 12
September 1941. He was promoted to Captain on 1 December 1941.45
The U.S. Coast Guard (1931-1941) The Coast Guard Communications Intelligence Section was
established in 1931 to solve the illicit shortwave radio traffic exchanged between groups of smugglers and other
criminals violating the laws enforced by the six enforcement bureaus of the Treasury Department. Through the
monitoring of illegal radio networks during the time when smuggling was at its height, Coast Guard intercept
operators developed a specialized technique which proved most effective in identifying and following illicit
stations.46 Until late 1935, 80 percent of the work done by the Cryptanalytic Unit had been
cryptanalytic in nature. After October of that year there was a heavy increase in cryptographic duties when the
Secretary of the Treasury tasked the Unit with creating a Treasury Department cryptosystem. At that time, he also
tasked the Unit with cooperating with the Bureau of Customs and Narcotics to suppress the smuggling of illegal
drugs into the United States and with certain responsibilities in the field of foreign exchange.47
As a result of these tasks, the end of prohibition did not reduce to any appreciable degree the duties of the
Intelligence Division. The Division remained the assembly and distribution agent for information of every kind
pertaining to the phases of law enforcement with which the entire Treasury Department was charged and in which
State, Justice, Commerce, and other departments of the government were interested. In spite of this, its strength
decreased by a third between March 1936 and March 1937 because of budget restrictions brought on by the
depression. In 1937 there were only five persons left: Mrs. Elizebeth S. Friedman, P-4, Cryptanalyst in
Charge Mr. Vernon E. Cooley, P-2. Assistant Cryptanalyst Mr. Robert E. Gordon, P-2. Assistant Cryptanalyst
Mr. Robert J. Fenn, P-1, Junior Cryptanalyst Mr. Charles H. Withers, CAF-3, Cryptographic Clerk
According to Lieutenant Frank E. Pollio, the Acting Chief of the Intelligence Division at the time, similar
organizations in the Army and Navy were composed of 12 to 25 persons and were considered a necessary adjunct to
national security. In the Treasury Department, cryptanalytic personnel were necessary both for military security
as it pertained to the Coast Guard and for law enforcement as it pertained to the Department. The strength of five
was maintained through 1940. At the end of that year, two billets were added to bring the strength up to seven:
four professional grade cryptanalysts, one IBM operator, and two typists.48 After the
establishment of the Money Stabilization Board under the Treasury Department, the Cryptanalytic Unit provided this
Board with information in connection with foreign exchange control; and after 1938 it maintained a close watch for
any clues in radio traffic pointing to sudden changes in the international situation. In August 1939, the Unit was
transferred to the Communications Division of the Coast Guard, where it operated in response to requests from the
Intelligence Division and other Treasury bureaus.49
Smuggling on an organized basis had
practically disappeared by 1939, and for several months before the German invasion of Poland, the Coast Guard had
been given
17
assignments monitoring the shipborne communications of potential belligerents and watching for, among other
things, indications of possible entry into a war by other nations. This was done to forewarn Treasury, which could
then take appropriate actions concerning the freezing of funds.50 With the outbreak of war in
Europe, the Treasury Department's statutory responsibility for enforcement of U.S. neutrality brought on a number
of new responsibilities for the Coast Guard. Among these were the sealing of communications equipment on all
belligerent vessels entering U.S. ports and the prevention of unneutral communications concerning shipping or the
movement of belligerent ships. In monitoring communications pursuant to this latter responsibility, USCG
monitoring stations reported late in 1940 that they were intercepting traffic similar to that of the old
rum-runner transmissions. When these messages were solved, they proved to contain military information from
somewhere in England (apparently the transmissions of agent SNOW, see following). These solutions were sent to
ONI, G-2, State Department, and the FBI; and work was continued on additional related circuits which were found
while monitoring the first one. Intercept and analysis of these communications was to constitute a major part of
the Coast Guard's contribution to intelligence during World War II.51 In late 1940, Lieutenant
Commander Pollio, by then Intelligence Officer of the Coast Guard, and Lieutenant L.T. Jones, who as a Lieutenant
Commander and then Commander would be in charge of the wartime Cryptanalytic Unit, had submitted their
recommendations for improving the communications and intelligence postures of the Coast Guard. Among other things,
they had recommended the establishment of permanent radio intercept stations in the New York, Jacksonville, New
Orleans, San Francisco, and Honolulu Districts. These stations would be organized along the lines of regular Coast
Guard radio stations but for technical reasons would be kept totally separate from regular communications
stations. Pollio and Jones also recommended that the officers in charge of these stations have a knowledge of
cryptanalysis. The stations would copy traffic from known illicit stations and search for new ones. By having
officers qualified in cryptanalysis in charge, it was expected that there would be little difficulty in
distinguishing illicit transmissions from other traffic of no interest.52 The Coast Guard (and
the Navy) considered the term "clandestine radio intelligence" to include transmissions from all stations
operating on radio nets which handled communications for enemy agents. Often these nets included stations within
Axis or Axis-occupied territory, where they were certainly not clandestine. For the most part, these nets passed
Abwehr and SD traffic, but they also sometimes passed diplomatic or even military communications. However, agent
traffic could be, and often was, passed over commercial or diplomatic facilities. As a consequence, Commander L.T.
Jones considered the cryptosystem used to be the only valid standard for discrimination.53 On
26 June 1939, a memorandum from President Franklin D. Roosevelt to the members of his cabinet ordered the
investigation of all espionage, counterespionage, and sabotage matters centralized in ONI, the Military
Intelligence Division (MID) of the War Department, and the FBI. On that date all government agencies other than
the Army and Navy intelligence organizations had been ordered to turn over to the FBI all "data, information, or
material bearing directly or indirectly on espionage, counterespionage, or sabotage." Since the Coast Guard was a
Treasury agency until late 1941, all clandestine material intercepted was thus forwarded to the FBI. In January
1941, the FBI began requesting Coast Guard assistance in the solution of this traffic. In the spring of the same
year, the Coast Guard asked for and received permission from the Secretary of the Treasury to distribute
information to the Treasury Department, State Department, ONI, and Army Intelligence in addition to the FBI. It
thus developed more or less by a
18
sequence of events rather than by any definite plan that the Coast Guard worked more closely with ONI than with
ONC from June 1941 to February 1942.54 During 1940 and 1941, the Coast Guard also received
miscellaneous intercepted traffic from the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). The FCC, in addition to
performing its statutory regulatory duties, began in 1940 to be active in providing the armed forces with copy of
the traffic of "suspect" transmitters. In late July of that year, Commander J.F. Farley, the Communications
Officer of the Coast Guard, requested FCC monitoring of certain unidentified transmitters operating on the high
frequency band; those using callsigns with the pattern "1TLE," "2TLE," etc., and possibly sending five-letter
encrypted traffic. The tasking was implemented and in October, Farley expressed the Coast Guard's appreciation and
requested that the assignment be continued.55 The Federal Communications Commission
(1911-1941) The earliest known attempts by the United States to monitor radio communications had
their inception in 1911. Under the Radio Act of 24 June 1910, radio jurisdiction was placed in the Department of
Commerce and Labor, and a Radio Service was organized in that Department on 1 July 1911. When the Department was
split in 1913, supervision of the provisions of the Radio Acts of 1910 and 1912 went to the Department of
Commerce. The duties of the Radio Division included inspecting radio stations, examining radio operators,
determining the power of radio stations, and conducting investigations of interstation interference. The Radio
Division maintained a central monitoring station at Grand Island, Nebraska; nine secondary monitoring stations;
and six mobile units, mounted on trucks, for field investigations. These mobile units were capable of acting as
mobile direction finding (DF) units.
In 1932, Congress proposed that the President be authorized to transfer the duties, powers, and functions of the
Radio Division of the Department of Commerce to the Federal Radio Commission, where it became the Division of
Field Operations. When the Federal Communications Commission assumed the property of the Federal Radio Commission
in 1934, the Division of Field Operations became the Field Division. Under the FCC, radio monitoring activities
were expanded. The number of mobile monitoring stations designed primarily for measuring the field strength of
stations but adaptable for DF and other field work, was raised to nine. Monitoring transmissions, identifying
stations, and supplying intercepts to interested government agencies continued. Various changes, extensions, and
improvements in FCC radio monitoring activities were made in ensuing years, and the Department of Justice, the
Coast Guard, the State Department, and the Army and Navy came to place varying degrees of reliance upon the FCC in
matters involving illicit use of radio.56
In September 1940, J. Edgar Hoover queried the possibility of the FCC monitoring all long-distance telephone calls
between New York and Germany, France, and Italy. He also suggested that since Japanese, French, Italian, German,
and Soviet officials were sending both foreign language and encrypted communications via cable, it might be well
for the FCC to obtain copies of all encrypted and unencrypted communications which might have a bearing on our
national defense problems. These suggestions created legal and administrative problems for the FCC, and at
Chairman James L. Fly's request, a meeting was held in January 1941 between the FBI and the FCC's Chief Engineer
and General Counsel to iron out the problems.57 The FBI was interested in all communications
between the Western Hemisphere and Germany, and in December 1940 requested that the FCC cover the Chapultepec,
Mexico, commercial transmitter for ten days as "information [had] been received from a confiden-
19
tial source that the station [was] communicating with Germany." Fly apparently wanted to drop the assignment
after ten days, but Hoover informed him that "the continued submission of this material is important to the
national defense investigations being pursued by this Bureau." The FCC continued the assignment, and on 8 February
1941, Hoover requested another 60-day extension of the mission. On 28 February, Hoover informed Fly that
collection of Chapultepec could be limited to its communications with Germany, New York, and Rocky Point, Long
Island. In April, the Coast Guard requested that the FCC collect the communications between Chapultepec and Nauen,
Germany. This was later expanded to include all Chapultepec-Germany communications, an assignment modification in
which the FBI concurred.58
In January 1941, the FCC, which had been tasked by the Defense Communications Board with monitoring foreign press
and propaganda broadcasts, sought an additional fund allotment of$304,120 for the remainder of fiscal year 1941.
These funds were to be used by the FCC's National Defense Organization (NDO) to establish the Foreign Broadcast
Monitoring Service (FBMS), including the purchase of additional technical equipment and the hiring of translators
and political analysts.59 The additional appropriation was approved and the FBMS was
established. The FCC appropriation request for fiscal year 1942 exceeded the total fiscal year 1941 request by
$300,000. Of this increase, $150,000 was requested for modernization of monitoring equipment and $150,000 was
requested for additional personnel. In modern terms such an increase is infinitesimal, but in 1941, $300,000
represented a 16 percent increase in the FCC appropriation.60 The British Effort: GC&CS
and the RSS (1919 - 1941)
The British cryptanalytic effort in World War II was centralized in the Government Code and Cipher School (GC&CS)
which had been established by the British government in 1919 to study foreign cryptosystems and to advise on the
security of British cryptosystems. It was originally made up of 25 officers recruited from the remnants of the
World War I Admiralty and War Office cryptanalytic sections and was placed administratively under the Admiralty.
In 1922, GC&CS, together with the Special Intelligence Service (SIS), was transferred to the Foreign Office, and
in 1923 the head of the SIS was redesignated "Chief of the Secret Service and Director of GC&CS."61
When GC&CS was established, the War Office and the Admiralty reserved the right to remove their personnel at need
to man their own Sigint centers. By 1935, however, it was realized that the production of Sigint was a continuum
of processes which could not be separated. This, together with the earlier decisions to centralize peacetime
cryptanalysis, was a strong argument in favor of maintaining the same organizational structure in wartime. The
Cryptography and Interception Committee of GC&CS, which included representatives of the three services, had a
standing subcommittee, the Y Subcommittee, which coordinated the services' radio intercept activities.62
During World War II, the British intercept effort against Axis clandestine communications was conducted by
the Radio Security Service (RSS). This organization was tasked with identifying and performing the initial
intercept of Axis illicit stations communicating with Germany. The original intention was that the intercept
organizations of the various services would assume the burden of intercept after the nets had been identified by
the RSS. In practice, because of the intercept load already being carried by the services, the RSS became the
organization responsible for the intercept of Abwehr communications, by far the most extensive of the illicit
nets.63
20
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